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Article: Passive and unaccusative in the jieyang dialect of chaozhou

TitlePassive and unaccusative in the jieyang dialect of chaozhou
Authors
KeywordsLinguistics
Issue Date2005
PublisherSpringer Verlag Dordrecht. The Journal's web site is located at http://springerlink.metapress.com/openurl.asp?genre=journal&issn=0925-8558
Citation
Journal Of East Asian Linguistics, 2005, v. 14 n. 4, p. 267-298 How to Cite?
AbstractA distinctive syntactic feature of the Chaozhou dialect group is the use of the same morpheme in the passive and in certain intransitive constructions. In the Jieyang variety the passive marker k'e G derived from the verb 'give' requires an agent, a requirement which we relate to the subcategorization of the lexical verb 'give'. We show that the same morpheme is used with unaccusative verbs in the form [k'e G i V], where i is an expletive. pronominal: it cannot encode an agent because the unaccusative predicates concerned lack an agent argument. Therefore what appears to be a passive marker with agent in fact constitutes overt coding of unaccusativity, of a kind unusual in Chinese dialects but paralleled in several Indo-European languages. The passive and unaccusative constructions are shown to share thematic and aspectual properties: the surface subject carries the role of theme or patient, and the predicate denotes a change of state, hence the requirement for a resultative verbal complement (RVC). The [k'e G i V-RVC] construction is shown to involve formation of an unaccusative complex predicate, with the RVC contributing a change of state component to the aspectuality of the predicate. © Springer 2005.
Persistent Identifierhttp://hdl.handle.net/10722/54297
ISSN
2023 Impact Factor: 0.5
2023 SCImago Journal Rankings: 0.281
ISI Accession Number ID
References

 

DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.authorMatthews, Sen_HK
dc.contributor.authorXu, Hen_HK
dc.contributor.authorYip, Ven_HK
dc.date.accessioned2009-04-03T07:42:30Z-
dc.date.available2009-04-03T07:42:30Z-
dc.date.issued2005en_HK
dc.identifier.citationJournal Of East Asian Linguistics, 2005, v. 14 n. 4, p. 267-298en_HK
dc.identifier.issn0925-8558en_HK
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10722/54297-
dc.description.abstractA distinctive syntactic feature of the Chaozhou dialect group is the use of the same morpheme in the passive and in certain intransitive constructions. In the Jieyang variety the passive marker k'e G derived from the verb 'give' requires an agent, a requirement which we relate to the subcategorization of the lexical verb 'give'. We show that the same morpheme is used with unaccusative verbs in the form [k'e G i V], where i is an expletive. pronominal: it cannot encode an agent because the unaccusative predicates concerned lack an agent argument. Therefore what appears to be a passive marker with agent in fact constitutes overt coding of unaccusativity, of a kind unusual in Chinese dialects but paralleled in several Indo-European languages. The passive and unaccusative constructions are shown to share thematic and aspectual properties: the surface subject carries the role of theme or patient, and the predicate denotes a change of state, hence the requirement for a resultative verbal complement (RVC). The [k'e G i V-RVC] construction is shown to involve formation of an unaccusative complex predicate, with the RVC contributing a change of state component to the aspectuality of the predicate. © Springer 2005.en_HK
dc.languageengen_HK
dc.publisherSpringer Verlag Dordrecht. The Journal's web site is located at http://springerlink.metapress.com/openurl.asp?genre=journal&issn=0925-8558en_HK
dc.relation.ispartofJournal of East Asian Linguisticsen_HK
dc.subjectLinguisticsen_HK
dc.titlePassive and unaccusative in the jieyang dialect of chaozhouen_HK
dc.typeArticleen_HK
dc.identifier.openurlhttp://library.hku.hk:4550/resserv?sid=HKU:IR&issn=0925-8558&volume=14&issue=4&spage=267&epage=298&date=2005&atitle=Passive+and+unaccusative+in+the+Jieyang+dialect+of+Chaozhouen_HK
dc.identifier.emailMatthews, S: matthews@hkucc.hku.hken_HK
dc.identifier.authorityMatthews, S=rp01207en_HK
dc.description.naturepostprinten_HK
dc.identifier.doi10.1007/s10831-005-3822-1en_HK
dc.identifier.scopuseid_2-s2.0-27844517850en_HK
dc.identifier.hkuros111293-
dc.relation.referenceshttp://www.scopus.com/mlt/select.url?eid=2-s2.0-27844517850&selection=ref&src=s&origin=recordpageen_HK
dc.identifier.volume14en_HK
dc.identifier.issue4en_HK
dc.identifier.spage267en_HK
dc.identifier.epage298en_HK
dc.identifier.isiWOS:000233879900001-
dc.publisher.placeNetherlandsen_HK
dc.identifier.scopusauthoridMatthews, S=9278061600en_HK
dc.identifier.scopusauthoridXu, H=16141293700en_HK
dc.identifier.scopusauthoridYip, V=16246810500en_HK
dc.identifier.citeulike397830-
dc.identifier.issnl0925-8558-

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