Atlantic connections: the Surinamese and Krio-Pichi TMA systems compared

Abstract

A genetic relationship between the (English-lexifier) Creoles of the Atlantic basin has long been the subject of substantial debate (cf. e.g. Alleyne 1980; Boretzky 1983; Hancock 1969; McWhorter 1995; Parkvall 2000; Smith 1987). One strain of research posits a close historical connection between the Surinamese Creoles, Jamaican Creole, Gullah and the Krio cluster of West Africa (Krio of Sierra Leone; Pichi (Fernando Po Krio), Aku of The Gambia) (cf. e.g. Huber 1998, 2000) although, opinion is divided on the question of an African or American origin of the connection. In recent years, a considerable amount of work has been done on the TMA system of the Surinamese Creoles (cf. Winford 2000a&b; Migge 2006; Winford & Migge 2007; van den Berg 2007; Migge & Winford 2009) and we now also dispose of a comprehensive study of the TMA system of one of the languages of the Krio cluster (Yakpo, in prep.). This provides an opportunity for reconsidering the extent to which specific structural areas of the linguistic systems of selected members of the African and American branches resemble each other. A preliminary analysis of the Surinamese and Pichi-Krio TMA systems reveals a highly similar core system. The tense system of both languages is relational, and in principle, bipartite. The core aspect system is very similar as well. Both systems represent a typologically widespread type in which the expression of perfective and imperfective aspect is not fully symmetrical. On the one hand, there is a general imperfective aspect marker (d)e. On the other hand, perfective aspect is expressed with the unmarked verb for dynamic verbs. However, with verbs that favour a stative interpretation zero ‘marking’ yields an imperfective reading, namely ‘present’ tense. Beyond these similarities between the systems there are considerable divergences in the expression of other aspectual categories. For example, Krio-Pichi features a separately grammaticalised habitual category. Equally the verb kan~kam ‘come’ has come a long way to grammaticalising into a de facto perfective marker which yields typical perfective aspect meanings in a more predictable way than the unmarked verb. The picture is equally varied with respect to the expression of modality. Some categories correspond in form and function (i.e. sabi ‘know how to’ for learned ability), others correspond in function only (i.e. mu(su) in the Surinamese Creoles vs. (gɛt) fɔ̀ in Krio-Pichi) (cf. Winford 2000a: 70ff; Migge 2006: 34ff; Yakpo in prep.) Other categories again find no overt expression in the respective other system. For example, Pichi features a generalised subjunctive-indicative opposition pursuant to certain types of deontic modality. The comparison of the two systems points towards the need for a more systematic comparison of additional functional domains of the American and African branches of the family of Atlantic English-lexifier Creoles. The paper will also address the possible reasons for the differences between the two systems. Specifically, we argue that since their hypothesized split they were affected by independent processes of contact-induced and internal language change. While research on the Surinamese Creoles has produced various hypotheses about the development of specific functional domains and the origins of the forms used to express them, research on the African Atlantic creoles will still have to determine the sources of change and the origins of apparently African-only features such as the subjunctive mood and overt habitual aspect marking.