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Conference Paper: Influence of English donor word stress on tonal assignment in Cantonese loanwords: an acoustic account

TitleInfluence of English donor word stress on tonal assignment in Cantonese loanwords: an acoustic account
Authors
KeywordsLoanword phonology
Tone
Stress
Acoustic analysis
Cantonese
Issue Date2011
PublisherICPhS17.
Citation
The 17th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences (ICPhS17), Hong Kong, 17-21 August 2011. In Proceedings of ICPhS17, 2011, p. 1162-1165 How to Cite?
AbstractThis study aims to identify the relationship between tone and stress in Cantonese loanwords borrowed from English. Tonal patterns of 23 disyllabic and trisyllabic Cantonese loanwords corresponding to English donor words of 20 different stress patterns, and the tonal patterns of 23 unassimilated Cantonese loanwords exhausting the same set of 20 stress patterns were examined. Fundamental frequency characteristics of the vowels extracted from the loanwords produced by 15 native Cantonese speakers were analysed by using Praat. The average F0s were calculated in Matlab with the algorithm of autocorrelation, and the F0s of vowels corresponding to stressed and unstressed/epenthetic vowels were compared with Wilcoxon Signed Ranks Test. Acoustic results reveal that Cantonese loanword syllables corresponding to stressed syllables in the English donor words were assigned high-level tone whereas epenthetic syllables and those corresponding to unstressed syllables were usually assigned low-level or low-falling tone, and highrising tone for word-final syllables. This is consistent with previous findings proving the explicit correlation between English lexical stress and high tone, and that between English lexical non-stress and mid or low tones in Cantonese loanwords.
DescriptionRegular Session
Persistent Identifierhttp://hdl.handle.net/10722/136298

 

DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.authorLai, WWSen_US
dc.contributor.authorWang, Den_US
dc.contributor.authorYan, Nen_US
dc.contributor.authorChan, Ven_US
dc.contributor.authorZhang, Len_US
dc.date.accessioned2011-07-27T02:12:30Z-
dc.date.available2011-07-27T02:12:30Z-
dc.date.issued2011en_US
dc.identifier.citationThe 17th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences (ICPhS17), Hong Kong, 17-21 August 2011. In Proceedings of ICPhS17, 2011, p. 1162-1165en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10722/136298-
dc.descriptionRegular Session-
dc.description.abstractThis study aims to identify the relationship between tone and stress in Cantonese loanwords borrowed from English. Tonal patterns of 23 disyllabic and trisyllabic Cantonese loanwords corresponding to English donor words of 20 different stress patterns, and the tonal patterns of 23 unassimilated Cantonese loanwords exhausting the same set of 20 stress patterns were examined. Fundamental frequency characteristics of the vowels extracted from the loanwords produced by 15 native Cantonese speakers were analysed by using Praat. The average F0s were calculated in Matlab with the algorithm of autocorrelation, and the F0s of vowels corresponding to stressed and unstressed/epenthetic vowels were compared with Wilcoxon Signed Ranks Test. Acoustic results reveal that Cantonese loanword syllables corresponding to stressed syllables in the English donor words were assigned high-level tone whereas epenthetic syllables and those corresponding to unstressed syllables were usually assigned low-level or low-falling tone, and highrising tone for word-final syllables. This is consistent with previous findings proving the explicit correlation between English lexical stress and high tone, and that between English lexical non-stress and mid or low tones in Cantonese loanwords.-
dc.languageengen_US
dc.publisherICPhS17.-
dc.relation.ispartofProceedings of ICPhS17en_US
dc.subjectLoanword phonology-
dc.subjectTone-
dc.subjectStress-
dc.subjectAcoustic analysis-
dc.subjectCantonese-
dc.titleInfluence of English donor word stress on tonal assignment in Cantonese loanwords: an acoustic accounten_US
dc.typeConference_Paperen_US
dc.identifier.emailYan, N: nyan@hku.hken_US
dc.identifier.authorityYan, N=rp00978en_US
dc.description.naturepublished_or_final_version-
dc.identifier.hkuros188116en_US
dc.identifier.spage1162-
dc.identifier.epage1165-
dc.publisher.placeHong Kong-

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